Abstract
Madagascar poses a significant challenge for understanding how people colonized islands. While its inhabitants also share an African ancestry, language, genetics, and culture all point to the arrival on the island of Austronesian-speaking settlers from the far side of the Indian Ocean. Recent decades have seen increasing acceptance of a late first-millennium BC date for Madagascar’s initial settlement, based principally on arguments relating to the purported antiquity and presence of cut-marked animal bones and the pollen of humanly introduced Cannabis plants. More recently, these claims have been pushed much further back in time by the discovery of stone tools at Lakaton’i Anja and cut-marked bones at Christmas River and Lamboharana. Such arguments must be based on firm foundations if they are to be accepted. This paper evaluates them against criteria developed for assessing the timing and credibility of claims of pre-Clovis settlement in the Americas and early Polynesian presence in Remote Oceania. It concludes that they do not meet them and that for now there is thus no convincing evidence that Madagascar was settled before the mid-first millennium AD. Colonization around that time fits much better with broader patterns of contact, trade, and settlement in the wider Indian Ocean world, including other islands off Africa’s eastern coast.
Notes
1 Greenland, New Guinea, and Borneo are all larger than Madagascar. However, Greenland is joined to North America by sea ice during winter, while during the Pleistocene New Guinea repeatedly merged with Australia and Tasmania to form the super-continent of Sahul, just as Borneo did with Java, Sumatra, and the Southeast Asian mainland. Separated from continental Africa by the 3292-m-deep Mozambique Channel and covering some 587,000 km2, there is thus ample justification for deeming Madagascar to be the world’s largest (persistent) island.
2 Muldoon et al. (2012:25) note that, unusually for an open-air fossil-producing site in Madagascar, Christmas River “has the potential to yield a stratigraphic profile in the sense of vertical, chronological relations of sedimentary units”, but do not then provide such a section drawing. Their description of the site’s stratigraphy is confined to the observation that “the deepest and most prolific layer reached… is a grey-green clay” containing very early Holocene remains of Aepyornis, crocodiles, tortoises, and dwarf hippopotami and that “isolated remains” were found above this layer. Elsewhere, they note that the bone bed is “10–15 m deep” and that—while the sapphire miners who found the site “focused on the collection of large macrofossils, and the younger layers of the pit have not yet been fully explored”—sediment samples from the subsurface also confirmed the presence of small vertebrate and botanical remains (Muldoon et al. 2012:24).
3 Lack of space precludes discussion of other potential paleoenvironmental proxies for human settlement. However, changes in the frequency of other pollen taxa, charcoal particles, and Sporormiella fungal spores that have been cited as evidence of human presence and landscape modification (e.g., Burney et al. 2003) present similar difficulties to those outlined here at Lake Tritrivakely: chronology depends upon interpolation from a small number of radiocarbon dates and the assumption that sedimentation rates have remained constant; and the changes observed are open to explanation by non-human agencies, including climate and taphonomy (see Perrotti and van Asperen 2019). They are not, in other words, based upon the presence of unimpeachable traces of human activity recovered in primary context and dated by unambiguously associated radiometric ages, the three criteria set out above.